Summer Reading

Bookshelf-2

With just two weeks remaining in the semester and with my motivation to work on my final papers approaching zero I figured I would take the time to compile a summer reading list.

One of my favorite things to do with my free time during the long and hot dog days of summer is finding a nice spot, be it at home, at a coffee shop, or a park outside, and reading a book. 

During the past few months I have spent extensive time on Amazon browsing through titles, as well as spending quality time in the bibliography of books I currently own and selecting titles.

As of right now my summer reading list is as follows:

Rome: An Empire’s Story // Greg Woolf

With Greco-Roman history being one of my main areas of interest/study I think it’s pretty much a requirement for me to read some sort of Roman history. I actually just picked this up today at Barnes and Noble. I spent a good 5-10 minutes with it in store and it looks like a really good and concise history of the Roman empire. The dedication is to Woolf’s students so it should be a pretty easy read, no drooling scholarly jargon with endless cross-references.

Good Girls, Bad Girls of the New Testament // T.J. Wray

The title alone shot this book up to top of my list as soon as I read it. In my readings of and studying of the New Testament I have grown to appreciate all different angles of study, some of which I never thought I would enjoy. Last year if you asked me about a book dealing with women in the New Testament I would have said it sounded too feminist and is probably would be too misandric for my liking (putting it lightly). Perhaps it was taking a class entitled “Enemies of Ancient Israel: Bad Guys of the Bible” this semester that warmed me to these kind of things. This looks like an endlessly interesting study.

The Myth of Persecution // Candida Moss

This book was actually briefly recommended by my professor last year when discussing further readings. The book is written by a professor at Notre Dame who has done a lot of work on early Christian martyrdom. The main thesis from Moss is that “the ‘Age of Martyrs’ is a fiction—there was no sustained 300-year-long effort by the Romans to persecute Christians. Instead, these stories were pious exaggerations; highly stylized rewritings of Jewish, Greek, and Roman noble death traditions; and even forgeries designed to marginalize heretics, inspire the faithful, and fund churches.” Since I enjoy challenges to popular piety and traditionalism I think this will be a very fun read an a unique perspective on the history of early Christianity.

The Classical World // Robin Lane Fox

Last semester I took a history class on the ancient world. In short, it sucked. The professor was useless and far more interested in her own research than actually teaching (hence she took three weeks off, which we still payed for, to travel). Since I learned next to nothing in that class I figured this book would be a great primer to cover the material I didn’t learn last semester. The book has been highly praised and will be a fun overview of the history of the classical world from Homer to Hadrian. Ancient history is one of my main areas of interest so this was a no brainer for me.

With the last book on this list being 578 pages, and considering I’ll be taking a summer class and working part time, I think these should last me the summer. Needless to say I am very eager to reading each of these and will be sufficiently occupied during the summer.

–M 

Christmas Truce Advert

I am currently in the middle of a research project for my History 301 class on the Church of England during the Great War. 

During winter break (2015) I attended a local screening of the British Arrow Awards, recognizing the best adverts of the year in Britain. Among the many adverts featured in the show, one that stuck out to me in particular was the Sainsbury advert depicting the WWI Christmas Truce of 1914. 

I return to this ad now because of my research concerning the Church and WWI. Overall I find it to be a very powerful ad, even if it is ultimately for a supermarket. 

Answering Comments

My latest article on IVN has received quite a bit of buzz since it was published last week. As of 14:26 today it has received a total of 3.08k interactions.

With that I thought I would take the time to respond to some of the comments the article has received. 

Stuart:

A Four-way race would be great for the USA because we would then find out who the people want for the president

I agree that a four way race would probably be the most fair election in the sense that it would give voters a true choice, rather than settling for the lesser of two evils and the two-party duopoly. Giving voters more of a choice, and allowing more players into the game is a major theme that IVN stresses. I think that opening up the election to more people would be a huge step for election reform.

Richard: 

Biggest problem with that is that it could potentially lead to a president being elected with a minority vote.

This is certainly a critique of having more than two candidates in an election. Such a scenario could lead to a candidate winning with 39% of the total vote. However, I would argue that the definition of “majority” should be revisited. While it’s true that in some cases majority means more than 50%, more broadly, majority can also just mean the greatest number.

Chris:

Boot Cruz the GOP establishment is going to put Paul Ryan as their Nominee !!! But Hillary, Trump and Sanders will be there !!! I have said for 5 months now ” for the first time in U.S. history there will be 4 candidate’s running in the General election ” !!!

This is another important point I should clarify. In my article, on the Democratic side I definitely stated that in a four way scenario, two of them would be Bernie and Hillary. However, I was not as explicit on the Republican side. I said Trump would definitely be the third candidate, but refrained from naming the fourth. Though I mentioned Cruz, that was simply because I believe that the GOP establishment is using Cruz to get a second ballot. I think it is entirely likely that in such a scenario they will drop Cruz like a rock and go a “white knight” type candidate. Perhaps that’s why Kasich is still in the race. So yes, I would agree with Chris’s comment and remove Cruz from the equation. Perhaps I’ll write a short article on this point.

Chuck:

I like it. But what kind of chaos would result if either of the nonfavored candidates won? Can either party stand that kind of embarrassment and ridicule? Lets find out.

If Clinton or the GOP’s white knight won the election, even with Trump and Bernie running than it would be a fair, outright win. All that would show is that despite the huffing and puffing, Americans while upset with the establishment are not willing to burn the place to the ground just yet. It would not be an embarrassment, it would be an open and fair race.

Darlene: 

POPULAR VOTE NEEDS TO DETERMINE THE FINAL OUTCOME & HOW DELEGATES NEED TO VOTE… FOR THE PEOPLE!

Agreed, the delegate system needs to be either tied to the popular vote with no exceptions, or scrapped altogether. People should elect the nominees and candidates, not party hacks.

–M

The Prospect of a Four-way Presidential Race

I had a new article published recently via Independent Voter Network. The topic is on the possibilities of a four way race for the presidency. I blogged earlier about how a four way race is my ideal race, but this article gets a little more into the details.

Essentially, based on the way the Democratic and Republican parties are trying to frantically to give the nomination to an establishment candidate, it’s not impossible that in the process they manage to piss of Trump and Sanders just enough that they decide ‘to hell with you’ and run independent.

My article can be viewed here: http://ivn.us/2016/04/22/a-four-way-presidential-rac/ 

–M

Gone with the Wind: Christian Attitudes Toward Jews in the Middle Ages

Attitudes toward Judaism and Jews under the reign of Augustine were, while in hindsight, still quite unsettling to modern readers, in context of what would later come in the middle ages, were quite tame. Augustine saw Jews as what we may today call a ‘necessary evil.’ In similar style to writers like Justin, Christianity needed to further establish itself by claiming the Jewish scriptures for their own. While Justin was quick to condemn the Jews for their clear lack of mental capacity to understand their own scriptures, Augustine was more generous. In the Augustinian model, the Jews were necessary because their existence, proved the truthfulness of Christianity. Over time however, Christians departed from that model which lead to incredibly harsh diatribes against the Jews, accusing them of cannibalism, murder, and a host of other things. The following pages will briefly describe the gradual shift from the Augustinian model to the rampant lies and anti-Jewish sentiments of the middle ages.

The Augustinian Model

The Augustinian view towards Jews and Judaism can be simplistically understood as a continuation of the “long established Pauline and patristic ideas,” cloaked in a graciously condescending smile, passive aggressively killing them with kindness. It was the view of Augustine that while they Jews were; lame, uninformed losers, vastly unaware of their own scriptures and how ‘so last century’ they were, they still had an important role and a special place in a post-easter world. Essentially, though the Jews were wrong and their existence was only proof that Christianity was true. From there it was a matter of quote-mining scripture to establish their usefulness. Psalm 59.11 was central to Augustine’s witness doctrine, stating; “But do not kill them, Lord our shield, or my people will forget. In your might uproot them and bring them down.” 

Augustine recognized however, that the Jews need to preserved, for it was their awfulness that bore witness to the truth of Christianity.  This also goes back to the idea that the Jews, being scattered, is a result of their unbelief (even though they were scattered before any of that occurred). By this model, Jews are preservers of scripture, and witnesses to the fulfillment of prophecy. Augustine wrote, “All that Moses wrote is of Christ––that is, it pertains completely to Christ––whether insofar as it foretells of him […]” The scriptures predicted their would be those who rejected Jesus, and the Jews fulfill that portion as well. 

Christianity vs Everybody

One of the primary purposes this line of thinking evolved, was to answer the perplexing question that early Christians faced, why are there still Jews in the empire? What Augustine developed is in many ways a post-rationalization to try to explain away why Jews persist to exist. This makes it so that Jews are now needed for political purposes. As Cohen puts it, “the Old Testament […] continues to offer testimony to the truth of Christian history and theology.” (Cohen, 28) Otherwise they could have simply been eliminated. The model essentially is saying, ‘we really could kill you, but we need you in order to score some political points and that’s why we’re keeping you around.’ Again, this is a reinforcement of what earlier Christians already thought of the Jews, in that they are suffering because of their unbelief, but instead of jumping to the conclusion that they should be converted or gotten rid of, it holds that their suffering is essential to their existence, for without it, the reality of Christianity is called into question. This operates from the central question, why has God given them an entire empire, and yet allowed the Jews to continue to exist? Augustine felt that there must have then been a reason for that, and whatever it was, it was worth continuing for the sake of the empire.

By the time the early middle-ages rolled around, the grey area surrounding Jews and ‘the others,’ propped up by the witness doctrine began to disappear. Instead, a more ‘Christianity vs. everybody’ mentality began to arise. Theoretically people still would adhere to the witness doctrine but would say things that contradict it. During this time, Christian unity became a big priority for Christians. The ‘sameness’ of Christianity was stressed and the need for people to be united in their Christian beliefs. This lead people to begin to question whether or not there would be room for Jews in this new Christian unity. Cohen notes, “For all that diversity increased, and for all that they themselves gave expression to it, they never abandoned the ideal of Christian unity or their program for fostering it in their society.” (Cohen, 148) Ideally then, there would be no need to Jews to bear witness anymore because everyone would be uber Christian together. The need for conversion began to take place and the quest for discovering the “right” Christian beliefs begins to reemerge just as it did centuries before. This lead to an obsession with stamping out heresy and threats to Christendom, which included the Jews. Eventually the Church becomes so OCD with the heresy that it authorizes specific tools to weed out and combat heresy. Prior to however, the Vatican declared that local diocese should actively try to suppress heresies in their localities. The diocese however claimed they did not have adequate resources to deal with the problem. The Church then gave them the proper resources. These “resources,” are better known today as; the inquisition. Because they wanted so badly to get rid of heretics, they use it as a means of breaking away from the Augustinian model.

Blood Libel and Host Desecration

One of the more interesting and also one of the most frustrating things to come out of this whole anti-Jewish sentiment that had been brewing during the middle ages as the witness doctrine went the way of the flip phone, were the accusations of blood libel, cannibalism, and host desecration targeted at Jews. These accusations led to great persecution of the Jews and ultimately in many ways provided the framework and snowballing for the holocaust. Of this Langmuir writes, “the blood libel they initiated would pursue Jews to the twentieth century.” (Langmuir, 266)

One of the most notorious of these accusations comes from Thomas on Monmouth, who wrote The Life and Passion of Saint William the Martyr of Norwich. In his account, Jews of Norwich took a young boy, tortured him, and then hung him on a cross, mimicking of course what they did to Jesus, and finally buried him. Though all was not totally lost as the Lord made it quite evident that the boy was a martyr and later on he worked miracles and became St. William. This, as Langmuir documents, is important for the study of Jewish and Christian relations because it is, “our most direct evidence for the first medieval accusation that Jews were guilty of ritual murders.” (Langmuir, 210)

Though there are other reports of Jews crucifying young boys such as in 415, when a group of Jews from Inmestar got hammered and then proceeded to drunkenly take a Christian boy and hung him on a cross in place of an effigy, resulting in this boys death. Langmuir points out though that these accusations are unrelated, as are the case of William and other accusations, and furthermore, he adds that, most “historians have disagreed about the truth of the report.” Essentially this medieval case is a pretty rare find, and is independent of other similar texts. Motives for this bizarre episode could possibly be that Thomas simply wanted there for be another saint. He essentially started with the conclusion and went from there. “The Life tells us what he wanted to believe happened, but not necessarily what really did happen. […] if we establish the sequence of events we can be fairly sure happened, a very different picture from that of Thomas’s reconstruction appears.” So Thomas clearly was not the most honest person of his day. Yet these accusations against the Jews persisted, as the Augustine model was basically like KU’s football team at this point; beaten, broken, and irrelevant. 

The host desecration accusation is one of the most strange accusations to emerge from this. Bizarre stories began to appear involving Jews participating in actives such as torturing a cracker which bled profusely and then flew around the house (the cracker did). The motive behind these stories was in large part to draw parallel between the current times and actual crucifixion where the Jews, and not the Romans (*eye roll*) killed Jesus. At this time the eucharist played a very important role in Christian tradition and the ‘host’ was viewed as literally being the body of Christ via transubstantiation. By accusing the Jews of stealing and desecrating the host, it draws parallels to the fact that they continue to hurt and kill Christ over and over again. That, along with the sense of Christian unity that had emerged and the idea that Christians are all, “the body of Christ,” allows them to assert that they are persecuting Christians. As Langmuir points out, the real irony in this is that as a result of the heat that the Jews take for these charges, they end up “suffering much of the agony that they had purportedly inflicted.” (Langmuir, 112)

What truly makes cases like William frustrating is that even the Church leadership acknowledged that they were complete fabrications. They discovered that actually, such behavior is completely contrary to Jewish practice (go figure). These charges of blood libel and all the other rectum derived edicts were manufactured for political purposes designed to smear the Jews. At the time the deck was so severely stacked against the Jews with everyone being so paranoid and ready to flippantly believe anything about the Jews and other heretics that if one wanted to prove that the Jews sucked, it didn’t take much. The simple mindedness from this time period is much sadder and far more infuriating when one considers the ramifications these mentalities had further down the road in the 20th century.

–M

References:

Cohen, Jeremy. Christ Killers: The Jews and the Passion from the Bible to the Big Screen Oxford University Press, 2007.

Cohen, Jeremy. Living Letters of the Law: Ideas of the Jew in Medieval Christianity. United States: University of California Press, 1999.

Gavin, Langmuir I. Toward A Definition of Antisemitism. United States: University of California Press, 1996. 

Authoritative Scripture in the Second Temple Period

One of the defining elements of the Second Temple period (STP) in ancient Judaism was the fluidity of texts. With the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls (DSS) in the late nineteen-forties it became evident that the state of the Hebrew Bible or Old Testament was far more fluid than previously thought. Scripture for communities during the STP was starkly different from our modern concept of scripture. Even the process of writing scripture and how texts gained authoritative status was different and in many ways was contradictory to our modern values. The reality of the ‘loose canon’ scripture among the DSS has even broader ramifications beyond community at Qumran. Florentino García Martínez argues that there is insufficient evidence to conclude that only one ‘textual type’ dominated during the STP and thus the “textual pluriformity” must be representative of Palestine as a whole. Through the study of the DSS scholars have come to drastically new approach to scripture in the STP. The presence of rewritten biblical, and non-biblical manuscripts alongside different forms of biblical manuscripts has lead to the realization that the formation of scripture was a far more involved process.

One thing to note when discussing scripture during the STP is that the term “biblical” is anachronistic in describing scripture prior to A.D. 70. The term canon refers to a “closed list of books that was officially accepted retrospectively by a community as supremely authoritative and binding for religious practice and doctrine.” (VanderKam & Flint pp. 156) The problem with using terms like canon and bible to describe texts of the Qumran period is that there was no complete and closed list at the time. Throughout a good portion of the first century A.D. there remained a fluidity of texts deemed “scriptural.” As Popovic reminds us, even among authoritative texts “there seems to have been no problem

rearranging, adding to, deleting from, or rewriting texts.” (Popovic pp. 1)
Indeed several versions of the Old Testament existed from a very early date. The three most important variations are; the Masoretic text (MT), the Samaritan Pentateuch (SP), and the Septuagint (LXX). Even among those three versions, Tov suggests that those texts can be categorized into a large number of different textual variants. Of those different forms Tov identifies five broad groups which they can be placed into; Pre-Samaritan texts, Proto-Masoretic texts, texts close to the presumed source for the LXX, non-aligned texts, and texts written within the Qumran practice. The overarching point to be made here is that prior to the second century there was no finalized canon or version of today’s biblical texts as multiple versions flourished in the STP. Thus for the Jews during that time, the process of canonization was still in motion. Scripture was not a matter of a closed list of texts deemed scripture, but rather it was more of a style of writing or genre. It should be noted however that there is some debate concerning when a text goes from being a different variation of the same text to a different composition all together. MT and LXX contain different version of Jeremiah, yet they can still be considered copies of the same text. The difference between a rewritten text and a variant of a text is not in authority. For example, Chronicles is a rewrite of Samuel and Kings yet is still authoritative. The difference is that a text like Enoch takes the same characters but expands far beyond the scope of Genesis, giving a different author, and setting, even though it is clearly based loosely off of Genesis.

Since the term ‘bible’ is inappropriate to use for text before the second century, ‘scripture’ is preferred term that fits most accordingly. As such, VanderKam provides a useful definition of scripture, stating that “scripture here means a writing that was considered divinely revealed, uniquely authoritative, and believed to be of ancient origin.”

Of these scriptural writings there are several methods by which the author can use in an effort to gain a more authoritative status. One way which is used in some rewritten scriptures is attribute the text to an authoritative figure. For example, Jubilees which rewrites Genesis 1–Exodus 12 claims to be a divine revelation from an angel of God. Likewise the Temple Scroll is written as if it were a message directly from God. Again, as Collins affirms, though anonymity was the norm, “the attribution of texts to specific figures was also a significant practice, not least as a way of claiming authority for a text.” (Collins pp. 25) Pseudepigraphy was a popular practice in antiquity for gaining legitimacy. Collins goes out of his way to clarify that though today we might see these texts as fraudulent and deceitful, in the ancient world this was not the case. He argues that even when they were called out as forgeries, authorship was not necessarily the objection. He cites Tertullian as pushing for Luke’s gospel to be attributed to Paul because “that which disciples publish should be regarded as their master’s work.” Yet even then, as Ehrman has pointed out, Tertullian also went to great lengths to explain how Enoch could have survived all the way down to his own time. He argues that this is precisely because Tertullian actually believed that Enoch authored the text. (Ehrman pp. 270) Motives aside, it is clear that pseudonymous authorship was indeed one way by which texts gained a more authoritative status.

Following a similar line of thinking, Najman proposes that texts such as Jubilees and Deuteronomy should be seen as continuing a discourse, “Jubilees [is] an example of what I called discourse tied to a founder–in the case of Jubilees, Mosaic discourse.” Furthermore, the author of Jubilees surely did not think that people would stop reading and copying Genesis in light of Jubilees, but rather that Jubilees is updating Genesis in what appears to be in light of Enoch. In that sense, the rewritten scriptures by their nature tacitly imply that the very texts they are rewriting were authoritative. Indeed, quoting a text or using material of a text alluded to that text’s authority. In the case of rewritten scripture, it’s not so much that the authors intend to replace the original text but to offer an authoritative interpretation of it. As García Martínez writes, “rewriting implies a particular interoperation of the reference text in order to adapt it to a new situation or to new ideas.” (pp. 31)

Interpretation, for the Qumran community was also a sign of authority as such interpretations were thought to be divinely received. Commentaries in and of themselves also were considered to be authoritative at Qumran. The commentaries such as the pesharim were seen as being revealed by a divine source, and the commentator was believed to have a secret knowledge revealed to them. Lastly, both VanderKam and Collins draw attention to history and prophecy as a means of establishing authority. Collins argues that texts such as the pesharim were intent on demonstrating that prophecy was being fulfilled, alluding to an authoritative account of history. Similarly, VanderKam wrote that “associating a book or writing with prophecy points to authoritative or scriptural status.” An example he gives of this is Jude 14-15 which quotes from 1Enoch.

 

–M

Sources:

Collins, John J. “Changing Scripture” in Changes in Scripture (De Gruyter, 2011), 23–45.

Ehrman, Bart D. Forged: Writing in the Name of God–Why the Bible’s Authors Are Not Who We Think They Are (New York, NY: HarperCollins, 2011).

García Martínez, Florentino. “Rethinking The Bible: Sixty Years of Dead Sea Scrolls Research and Beyond” in Authoritative Scriptures in Ancient Judaism (ed. M. Popovic; JSJSup 141; Leiden: Brill, 2010) 19–36.

Popovic, Mladen. “Introducing Authoritative Scripture in Ancient Judaism.” in Authoritative Scriptures in Ancient Judaism (ed. M. Popovic; JSJSup 141; Leiden: Brill, 2010) 1–17

Tov, Emanuel. “Rewritten Biblical Compositions and Biblical Manuscripts, with Special Attention to the Samaritan Pentateuch.” Dead Sea Discoveries vol. 5 no. 3 (1998), pp. 334–354.

VanderKam, James and Peter Flint. The Meaning of the Dead Sea Scrolls: Their Significance for Understanding the Bible, Judaism, Jesus, and Christianity. (San Fransisco, CA: HarperCollins,

2002).

Zahn, Molly M. “Rewritten Scripture” in Oxford Handbook of the Dead Sea Scrolls (Oxford, 2010), 323– 334.